Frank "The Irishman" Sheeran and Joe Biden's 1972 Election Victory

Frank "The Irishman" Sheeran was a high-ranking member of the Bufalino crime family, which  was based in Northeastern Pennsylvania, particularly in Lackawanna County and adjacent Luzerne County, more particularly in the cities Scranton, Wilkes-Barre, and Pittston. 

This area is on the western edge of the Delaware River Watershed. From that area, transportation and economic routes generally go south to Wilmington and Dover, Delaware.

Delaware River Watershed
(click on the image to enlarge it)

Sheeran grew up in the Pennsylvania town of Darby, on the west bank of Delaware River and about 22 miles from Wilmington. In 1955, when he was about 35 years old, Sheeran was working as a truck driver and became associated with Russell Bufalino, who had been involved in the Mafia since the 1920s. 

Frank Sheeran

In 1955, Bufalino introduced Sheeran to Jimmy Hoffa, the leader of the Teamsters Labor Union, which organized primarily truck drivers. 

Russell Bufalino

Hoffa soon began to employ Sheeran informally as an enforcer who threatened and even murdered Hoffa's rivals in the labor-union movement. During his own 83-year-long life, Sheeran murdered more than two dozen people, including Hoffa. Probably most of the murders were done on Bufalinos' orders. 

Frank Sheeran and Jimmy Hoffa

Due largely to Bufalino's and Hoffa's support, Sheeran rose gradually through the ranks of Teamster's Local 107, which was headquartered in Philadelphia but included Wilmington. Eventually, Wilmington got its own Teamsters Local -- Local 326 -- and Sheeran became that Locals' president.  

In 1966, Hoffa appointed Sheeran to head Teamsters Local 326, headquartered in Wilmington. Sheeran has described his Wilmington appointment as follows:

About a year before [March 1967], Jimmy [Hoffa] split [Teamsters Local] 107 into three locals, figuring it would cut down on the violence that way. He gave me the charter for a new local in Wilmington, Delaware, Local 326. I became acting president of Local 326 until an election could be held and I could be voted in by rank and file of that local. 

The first thing Jimmy wanted me to do was go up to Philly and fire these five disruptive organizers that the [Local] 107 president, Mike Hession, was afraid to fire. I drove up I-95 and fired Johnny Sullivan, who was with [Joey] McGreal and was out on his appeal on the [John] Gorey thing. I fired Stevie Bouras, who only got his job because he fired a gun into the ceiling and scared Hession. I fired another guy, but I don't remember his name. .... I fired Big Bobby Marino and Benny Bedachio. ....

After I fired them all, I stayed in Philly awhile to make sure there was no backlash. Then I went back down to Delaware, which is about thirty miles south. I was learning my new position [Acting President of Local 326]. I wanted to justify Jimmy's faith in me by giving me the charter. (Note 1)

In September 1967, an anti-Hoffa faction led by McGreal tried to take care over Local 107. Sheeran organized a violent attack on the anti-Hoffa faction.

I [Sheeran] called [Philadelphia's Mafia boss] Angelo Bruno and borrowed some Italian muscle. I had Joseph "Chickie" Ciancaglini and Rocco Turra and a few others. We had the good muscle. I had men inside the [Teamsters union] hall looking out the windows and men on the street. I had my back to the union hall.  

Two groups were walking toward each other from opposite ends of Spring Garden Street, the McGreal people coming from one direction and the [pro-Hoffa] people loyal to the [Teamsters] local coming from the other direction. 

All of a sudden, shooting broke out. The first shot came from behind me and went whizzing past my head. They say I gave the signal for the shooting to begin. They said I pointed a finger at DeGeorge and someone from my side shot him. ....

I drove down to Newport, Delaware, to hide out in an apartment over a bar until things died own. I called Fitz [Frank Fitzsimmons, the Teamsters President while Hoffa was in prison] and said to him, "One down. Two limping" [one McGreal supporter killed and two wounded], and Fitz panicked and hung up the phone on me. ....

The D.A.'s office put out an arrest warrant on me. They arrested Chickie, a black guy named Johnny West, and Black Pat, a white guy. I stayed in Delaware for a while, but I didn't want a flight charge on me too. So I got Bill Elliot, who had been a big shot on the Wilmington Police Department, to drive me to Philly. .... 

It cost me my union election at Local 326 in Wilmington. I couldn't campaign because I was sitting in jail. I still only lost by a few votes. Finally, the judge let me sign my own bail and I got out. ....

Those charges against me lingered in the system from 1967 to 1972. Finally, they took me to court to pick a jury and begin the trial. .... Before we picked a jury, the judge put me on the stand and asked me how many times the Commonwealth asked for a postponement of the trial, and I told him "sixty-eight". Then the judge asked m how many times I asked for a continuance, and I said "none", and he [the judge] called it a disgrace .... [Note 2]

The judge then dismissed the charges against Sheeran. While Sheeran had been waiting for the trial -- during 1967-1972 -- he worked as a Teamsters "business agent", which meant that he union members' grievances against the trucking companies. Now that the charges against him were dropped in 1972, however, he could campaign again in the next election for the President of Local 326 in Wilmington.

At about the end of 1967, Wilmington's Local 326 already had declared him to be the Local's "Honorary President for Life". In the following years, Sheeran indeed acted as if he actually were the Local's President. 

When I was incarcerated, the local made me Honorary President for Life. They [Wilmington's Teamsters] didn't have to like me, but they did respect me and they respected the job I did for them. 

I got them their own charter through Jimmy. Before that, they were run by Philadelphia. In 1979 I got them a new building that is their headquarters to this day. I took care of them day-to-day on their grievances and the enforcement of their contracts. We had over 3,000 members when I went to jail [in 1967]. .... [Note 3]

On April 7, 1972, Sheeran murdered "Crazy Joe" Gallo, a rival mobster, in a Manhattan restaurant. Sheeran murdered Gallo because Gallo had disrespected Bufalino earlier that evening. 

That was Sheeran's situation in late 1972 when Joe Biden was campaigning for his first time to become Delaware's US Senator. Sheeran tells his own involvement in Biden's election to the US Senate as follows:

Toward the end of 1972, I got a visit .... from a very prominent lawyer I new who was very big in the Democratic Party. He wanted to talk to me about the upcoming 1972 race for the United States Senate.

Earlier in the year, the incumbent, United States Senator Caleb Boggs, had stopped by and asked to allow him to speak to the [Local 326] membership. I told Boggs that he was too much against labor. He denied that he was against labor. He was a Republican, and he said that since the Teamsters were supporting Nixon for re-election [since Nixon had released Hoffa from prison], he ought to be given a shot to speak to the rank and file. ..... I took it to the [Local 326] executive board, and we decided not to invite him. 

When his opponent Joe Biden asked if he could speak to the membership, I took it to the executive board and got their feelings about it, and nobody opposed it, so I said sure. Biden was on the County Council, and he was a Democrat, and the County Council had some very good people on it for labor. 

Joe Biden was a young kid compared to Boggs. He came and gave his spiel, and he turned out to be a very good talker. He gave a really good pro-labor speech to the rank and file at the membership meeting. He took questions from the floor and handled himself like somebody many years older. He said his door would always be open to the Teamsters. 

So, when this prominent lawyer I knew stopped by my office a little before Election Day, I was already in Biden's corner. The lawyer had another guy with him who worked inside the Morning News and the Evening Journal. They were two papers that were put out by the same company. They were basically the same paper, and they were the only daily newspapers in Wilmington. .... At that time ... nearly every newspaper buyer in the state [Delaware] read the Wilmington newspaper. 

The lawyer explained to me that Senator Boggs had put together some ads that were going to run in an advertising insert in the paper every day for the last week before the election. Boggs was claiming that Joe Biden had distorted Boggs's voting record, and the ads were going to show what Biden had said about Boggs, alongside of Boggs's actual voting record ....

The guy who was there who worked on the paper said that he wanted to run an informational picket line, but he didn't have any good people that worked with him in the newspaper he could trust to walk the line. ... 

I told him I would hire some people and put them on the picket line for him. They were people nobody would mess with. 

The idea behind an informational picket line is that you're trying to organize the company, or ou're claiming that the company is unfair and won't sit down and negotiate with the union, opr that the company is putting pressure on the workers not to sign union cards. ....

I told my friend the lawyer and the guy he had with him that they could count on me to get it handled. I always had a lot of respect for that lawyer, and I thought Biden was better for labor anyway. I told him that once we put up the picket line, I would see to it that no truck driver crossed that picket line. The Teamsters would honor the informational picket line of the other [newspaper company's] union ....

The line went up, and the newspapers were printed, but they stayed in the warehouse and they never were delivered. ....

The newspaper company called me up and .... asked me if I had anything to do with the blowing up of a railroad car that had material that was going to be used in the printing of the newspaper -- whether it was paper or ink or some kind of other supplies, I don't know. But no people got hurt in the bombing. I told him we're honoring the picket line, and if he wanted to hire some guards to keep an eye on his railroad cars, he should look in the Yellow pages.

The day after the election, the information picket line came down, and the newspaper went back to normal, and Delaware had a new United States Senator. ...

There have been things written about this incident, and I am always mentioned in them. They say that this maneuver is what got Senator Joe Biden elected. Especially the Republicans say that if those newspaper inserts from the Boggs side got delivered inside the newspapers, it would have made Joe Biden look very bad. The Boggs ads, coming as they almost did that last week, there would have been no time for Biden to repair the damage. 

I have no way of knowing if Joe Biden knew if that picket-line thing was done on purpose on his behalf. If he did know, he never let on to me. (Note 4)  

On Bufalino's orders, Sheeran murdered Hoffa on July 30, 1975. Bufalino ordered the murder because Hoffa, having been released from prison, intended to campaign again for election as the Teamsters President. The FBI soon figured out that Sheeran was the murderer, but never was able to prosecute him for the crime. However, Sheeran eventually was prosecuted on other charges, for which he was imprisoned  from 1980 to 1995. In his final years (he died in December 2003), Sheeran told his life story to Charles Brandt, who published it as a book in 2004. 

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Note 1: Charles Brandt, I Heard You Paint Houses: Frank "The Irishman" Sheeran and Closing the Case on Jimmy Hoffa (Hanover, NH, 2016), pages 188-189.

 Note 2: Ibid, pages 190-192.

Note 3: Ibid, pages 222-223.

Note 4: Ibid, pages 223-225

Michael Gaeta and FBI Counterintelligence -- Part 9

Part 1, Part 2, Part 3, Part 4, Part 5, Part 6, Part 7, Part 8

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In 2015 and 2016, a company called NGP VAN provided the software that controlled the voter database of the Democrat National Committee (DNC). On the morning of December 16, 2015, NGP VAN launched a modification of that software. 

On that same morning, Josh Uretsky, a member of Sanders' campaign staff, exploited a bug in the modification and thus accessed some database files that belonged to Hillary Clinton's campaign staff. Uretsky instructed three fellow members of Sanders' campaign staff how to exploit the bug. Then those four Sanders staff members accessed and downloaded data from Clinton's database files for about 45 minutes. Within about four hours of the modification's launch, the improper exploitation of the bug was discovered and stopped. 

Josh Uretsky

CNN summarized the exploitation of the bug as follows:

The Sanders team ran multiple searches in Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, South Carolina and about ten March [primary election] states, including Florida and Colorado, after it noticed the error. One of the data sets it accessed was a Clinton spreadsheet that ranked voters' enthusiasm -- a potential opportunity for Sanders' campaign to target voters who were hesitant to support the former secretary of state.

The Guardian reported that the four culprits performed 25 searches and downloaded data during those 45 minutes.

The Sanders campaign staff fired Uretsky on that same day, December 16, and suspended the other three culprits in the following days. 

Uretsky explained that his actions were innocent.

[Uretsky] told CNN ... that he was only trying to "understand how badly the Sanders campaign's data was exposed" and not attempting to take data from the Clinton campaign. 

"We knew there was a security breach in the data, and we were just trying to understand it and what was happening," said Josh Uretsky, reached by phone on Friday morning, a day after the campaign let him go. He added, "To the best of my knowledge, nobody took anything that would have given the (Sanders) campaign any benefit." .... 

The Sanders campaign fired Uretsky over the breach. "That behavior is unacceptable and that staffer was fired immediately," Sanders' spokesman Michael Briggs said Thursday night. 

Uretsky, who is experienced with the NGP-VAN system used by the DNC and has administered it before, said he first noticed the data breach on Wednesday morning [December 16]. 

"We investigated it for a short period of time to see the scope of the Sanders campaign's exposure and then the breach was shut down presumably by the vendor," he said. "We did not gain any material benefit." 

According to the DNC, the Sanders campaign will remain suspended until it provides the DNC with a full explanation of the episode and provides proof that any improperly accessed data has been discarded. 

Uretsky and his team notified people within the Sanders campaign of the breach on Wednesday and the news worked its way up the chain of command. After reporting it to the campaign, Uretsky said he intended to call the DNC to inform officials there. But before he could do that, the DNC called him. 

"They called me fairly quickly after the breach was closed to inform me that there was something weird going on and that portions of the system were shut down," he said. 

Uretsky says he got into the system to create a record to make it clear to anyone with NGP-VAN knowledge that he was "going through stuff that I wasn't supposed to have access to." ... The point: He wanted people with knowledge of the voter files to be able to clearly see that he was testing the depth of the breach. 

"This wasn't the first time we identified a bad breach," he said, confirming to CNN that the Sanders campaign reported another breach to the DNC in October. "We reported it to them. They thanked us for reporting it and they told us the breach had been closed." 

"In retrospect, I got a little panicky because our data was totally exposed, too," Uretsky said of how he handled the latest breach. " We had to have an assessment, and understand of how broad the exposure was and I had to document it so that I could try to calm down and think about what actually happened so that I could figure out how to protect our stuff." 

Uretsky was informed at the end of the day on Thursday that his three-month stint at the campaign was over. The now-former Sanders staffer would not comment on whether other members of his team were involved in testing the breach. 

Despite Uretsky's explanation -- which seems reasonable to outsiders -- the leadership inside Sanders campaign felt compelled to denounce and fire him. Apparently, the leadership knew that Urestsky's explanation was false.  

The above CNN article mentions that Uretsky previously had "administered" the NGP-VAN software for the DNC. While in that position, he might have become friendly with some NGP-VAN software programmers who participated in the development of that application for the DNC.   

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I speculate that a NGP VAN software programmer who supported Sanders had created the bug intentionally and had told his friend Uretsky how to exploit it. The programmer and Uretsky shared a resentment against the DNC for favoring Clinton unfairly over Sanders. The programmer and Uretsky felt justified in using Clinton's database files to help Sanders win elections. 

I speculate further that on the morning of December 16, Uretsky said too much when he instructed three fellow staff members how to exploit the bug. Within four hours, at least one of those three staff members snitched to the campaign staff's leadership, which stopped the four culprits quickly and then  fired Uretsky by the end of the day.

However, the DNC, the Sanders campaign staff, the Clinton campaign staff and NGP-VAN were not able to resolve the incident quietly, amicably and quickly. The DNC blocked the Sanders campaign staff from accessing even that staff's database files, and therefore the Sanders campaign staff initiated a lawsuit against the DNC. Meanwhile, the Clinton campaign staff sanctimoniously denounced the Sanders campaign staff. 

At some point in time, the DNC hired the CrowdStrike computer-security company to investigate the incident. NGP-VAN was reduced to just an auxiliary role in the investigation and had to allow CrowdStrike to examine its computers, personnel and procedures.  

The Uretsky affair became known to the public. The situation aggravated the resentments between Sanders' supporters, on one hand, and the DNC and Clinton's supporters, on the other hand.

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On the following day, December 17, the DNC blocked the Sanders campaign staff from accessing any of the DNC databases -- even the databases that belonged to the Sanders campaign staff. (Page 6)

In response to that blocking, the Sanders campaign staff filed a lawsuit against the DNC on December 18, 2015. The DNC soon removed the block, but the Sanders campaign staff did not terminate its lawsuit. The Sanders campaign staff maintained its lawsuit in place, but did not formally serve the lawsuit on the DNC until March 24, 2016, which was the deadline. If the Sanders staff had waited one day longer, them the lawsuit would have expired.

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I speculate:

The Sanders staff's lawsuit was just one part of a larger complaint that the DNC was treating the Sanders campaign unfairly. Even though the DNC removed the block within a few days, the Sanders campaign kept its lawsuit in effect for many months as part of a larger effort to pressure the DNC to treat Sanders fairly.

The Sanders campaign staff waited more than three months to serve the DNC with the lawsuit because the campaign staff wanted to delay the DNC's discovery process. The DNC knew that Uretsky had acted in collusion with an NGP VAN computer programmer, but the DNC did not know many details that the Sanders' campaign staff's leadership knew. The discovery process would enable the DNC to question Sanders' staff members and to study the Sanders' staff's files and correspondence. 

The DNC exercised its discovery rights between March 24, when the DNC was served, and April 29, 2016, when the lawsuit was terminated. DNC shared its discovery findings with CrowdStrike. 

For some Sanders-supporters, the fact that the DNC now was examining and searching the Sanders campaign staff's files aggravated resentments that the DNC was treating Sanders unfairly. In contrast, Clinton's campaign staff was not being examined and searched.   

During the discovery process, the political circumstances were that from March 22 through April 9, 2016, the DNC conducted eight primary elections, and Sanders won seven of the eight elections. Specifically, Sanders won in Idaho, Utah, Alaska, Hawaii, Washington, Wisconsin and Wyoming -- and lost only in Arizona. Sanders' supporters felt that Sanders' campaign might be on the verge of passing Clinton decisively in the primary election race.

Perhaps a Sanders-supporter with the necessary computer skills decided that the time was ripe to discover information inside the Clinton campaign staff.

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On March 19 -- five days before the DNC was served with the lawsuit and thus became able to initiate its discovery within the Sanders campaign staff -- John Podesta received a phishing e-mail. At that time, Podesta was the chairman of Hillary Clinton's campaign staff. Podesta fell for the phish, and consequently his e-mail account was secretly hacked. Months later, In October and November 2016, thousands of e-mails from that account were revealed to the public, embarrassing Clinton and her campaign.

The hacker remains unknown, but Russian Intelligence was blamed by Clinton's supporters -- in particular, by Clinton's supporters in the US Intelligence Community. 

Once the Uretsky affair is fully understood, however, suspicion about the Podesta hacking might be directed more fruitfully toward Sanders-supporting computer experts who were using their skills to defeat Clinton's political goals. Such a suspicion might encompass the murder of Seth Rich on July 10, 2016. 

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In order to conceal his own identity, a Sanders-supporting computer expert could have used a known Russian computer virus to hack into DNC computers. The CIA had assembled an archive of foreign computer viruses but had lost control of them during the year 2016. Journalist Patrick Lawrence writes:

As WikiLeaks notes, the agency [the CIA] had “lost control of the majority of its hacking arsenal” .... There had been a massive leak, to put this point in simple terms. “The archive appears to have been circulated among former U.S. government hackers and contractors in an unauthorized manner,” WikiLeaks reported, “one of whom has provided WikiLeaks with portions of the archive.” This occurred at some point in 2016.

A hacker does not have to be a Russian Intelligence operative in order to use a computer virus that was developed by Russian Intelligence. If the CIA had included that virus in its "archive of foreign computer viruses" but had "lost control" of that archive, then the virus could be used by anyone with the necessary computer skills. 

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The Washington Post reported the termination of Sanders' lawsuit against the DNC on April 29, 2016, as follows:

The announcement [to terminate the lawsuit] followed the completion of an outside investigation into the breach that found that four Sanders staffers had looked at unauthorized data related to 11 states over the course of an hour on the night of Dec. 16, according to a DNC summary of the findings. The DNC declined to release the study itself by the firm CrowdStrike. 

In a statement, the Sanders campaign said the investigation confirmed its contention at the time that no one else in the campaign accessed the Clinton “scoring models” or had knowledge of the activity until well after the incident was over. One Sanders staffer was fired in December. .... 

Luis Miranda, the DNC communications director, said that the CrowdStrike analysis "confirmed that the DNC's initial findings, which were the basis of the temporary shutdown in December, were accurate." 

The investigation found that the four Sanders staffers conducted 25 searches on the Clinton data and exported one statistical summary of a search related to voters in New Hampshire. The Sanders campaign said it has not been able to locate that file and no one with the campaign has ever seen it.   

Uretsky was not exonerated. His explanation that he had accessed the Clinton database innocently has not been confirmed. The public was not supposed to ponder the question of how Uretsky was able to and exploit the computer bug on the morning of December 16, 2015, the day when NGP VAN launched its software modification. Rather, the public is supposed to ponder only Russian hackers.

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On the late afternoon of Friday, April 29, 2016 -- the very same day when the Sanders campaign staff terminated its lawsuit that had been caused by a Sanders supporter's hack of the DNC's computers -- an unidentified FBI official conducted a conference call with two people:

1) an unidentified DNC staff member who managed the DNC computer system 

2) Michael Sussman, a computer-security expert employed by the Perkins Coie law firm, which provided legal services to the DNC. 

The FBI official discussed with them the FBI's suspicion that Russian Intelligence was hacking into the DNC computer system. 

During the following weekend, April 30-May 1, Sussman called Shawn Henry, a CrowdStrike manager. Sussman arranged with Henry that CrowdStrike would study the alleged Russian Intelligence hack of DNC computers. 

Keep in mind that CrowdStrike had just given the DNC a report of its investigation of the Uretsky affair. The public does not know when CrowdStrike had begun that investigation, but CrowdStrike had given its report to the DNC within a few days of the termination of Sanders' lawsuit on April 29. During that investigation, CrowdStrike must have examined the DNC computers. 

It seems that CrowdStrike did not find any evidence of Russian computer viruses in the DNC's computers during that recent investigation. Now on about May 2, CrowdStrike would begin a new investigation looking for evidence that Russian Intelligence was hacking DNC computers, and this second investigation would find Russian Intelligence computer viruses.

It's no wonder that the CrowdStrike investigation of the Uretsky affair remains secret. When did that investigation begin and end? Did CrowdStrike look for and find any computer viruses? If so, then on what date and what viruses? Such information might provide the public with new perspectives.

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The FBI official already had contacted the DNC computer manager in about the third week of April 2016 to request DNC's computer server logs. Sussman had not participated in that conversation, but he had been told about it by the DNC computer manager. Sussman has testified (Page 31):

There are two incidents. In maybe the third week of April [2016], I was told that the FBI was requesting some logs and to get involved and see what that was about. 

And then the very last Friday in April [April 29, 2016] was when I was told that the DNC itself had discovered an intruder in the network and to get on that late-afternoon call on a Friday and to start dealing with it.

Based on that phone conversation with an FBI official on the late afternoon of Friday, April 29, Sussman contacted Shawn Henry, a CrowdStrike official, on Saturday or Sunday, April 30 or May 1, and asked that CrowdStrike examine the DNC computer server (Page 14). 

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I speculate that the FBI came to suspect by the third week of April that the DNC computer server was being hacked by Russian Intelligence because of reports that had come from Christopher Steele through Gaeta to FBI Counterintelligence.

Steele did not begin writing his Dossier for Fusion GPS until June 2016, but Steele and Gaeta had begun collaborating in 2010. Steele suspected reflexively that Russian Intelligence might be the culprit in any odd political activities in Western politics. Gaeta made Steele a paid source in the fall of (I think) 2015. 

Steele might have read about the Uretsky affair and might have supected reflexively that Russian Intelligence was involved somehow. Then Steele easily could have concocted one of his reports, alleging that Steele had been informed by one of his sources in the Kremlin that Russian Intelligence had learned how Uretesky had hacked into the DNC computer.

Then Steele could have given his concocted report to Gaeta, who gave it to the FBI's Counterintelligence Chief, who believed the report and launched in investigation.

This suspicion that Russian Intelligence was hacking into the DNC computers was rather implausible. After all, Russian Intelligence has finite resources and many, various important concerns. 

Keep in mind that the DNC is not an organization of the US Government. Rather, the DNC is a private, political organization that manages political election campaigns. At that particular time, the DNC's major activity was to manage the primary-election race between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. This race was reported and analyzed expertly and comprehensively by the USA's mass media.      

Why would Russian Intelligence expend any manpower or other resources to study DNC files?  The disagreements between Clinton and Sanders were not significantly about Russia. The Democrats had controlled foreign policy since the beginning of 2009, and during that time Clinton had been the Secretary of State. Very probably, Clinton would win the primary elections and then the general election and would become the US President and would continue her own previous policies in relation to Russia.

However, by the third week of April 2016, at least one FBI official became convinced that Russian Intelligence was hacking into DNC computers. This hacking was part of a dastardly plot in the Kremlin to cause Americans to lose faith in their Democracy and therefore to vote against Hillary Clinton. 

And then CrowdStrike did find Russian Intelligence computer viruses on DNC computers -- proving to the FBI's CounterIntelligence chief that Steele indeed did have sources in the Kremlin  

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Continued in Part 10