Wednesday, December 21, 2016

Babson College's Faculty Duped by Bogus Accusations

The Ferguson yarn -- that a White policeman shot to death a Black teenager who was standing still, hands raised, pleading to surrender, in the middle of a street of a residential neighborhood at high noon -- deserved skepticism. Instead, millions of supposedly intelligent people denounced the skeptics as racists.

Despite the lessons learned from the Ferguson incident, however, supposedly intelligent people continue to rush to make racism accusations in response to implausible yarns.

A website called Heat Street reports this story:
Two Babson College [in Wellesley, Massachusetts] students who were alleged to have yelled racial slurs at black women during a celebration of Donald Trump’s election victory have been cleared of any wrongdoing. 
After the election [on November 8, 2016], Parker Rand-Ricciardi and Edward Tomasso decided to go out and celebrate their candidate’s win. They did so by driving onto the nearby Wellesley campus, an all-women college, with a Trump flag flying proudly. 
Students at Wellesley, however, told a different story.  Rand-Ricciardi and Tomasso, they said, spit on a student and shouted “racial and homophobic slurs while parked in front of the Harambee House, an on-campus gathering place traditionally meant for African American students.” As a result of that, the two students were told to leave the Babson campus and not return until Dec. 11. 
But no one was ever able to prove that the two students did anything other than yell “Make America Great Again.” 
On Monday, the school officially ruled that Rand-Ricciardi and Tomasso did nothing wrong. .... 
[the article continues]
Babson College immediately initiated a careful investigation of these two students and eventually issued its exonerating decision on December 19.

Meanwhile, however, more than 200 gullible faculty members rashly fell for the ludicrous accusation and signed the following statement, dated November 14, 2016.
To: The Babson Community: Students, Parents, Alumni, Staff, President, President’s Cabinet, and Trustees 
From: The Babson College Faculty 
In light of recent events in our country, the rise of insensitive and aggressive behaviors by members of our community on our campus, and the shocking affront to members of the Wellesley College community, the faculty of Babson College feels the need to remind everyone who we are, what we expect, and what Babson College stands for. Recent events demonstrate that we still have a long way to go to fully meet these expectations. 
When interacting with one another, we expect everyone in our community to display: 
* Mutual respect for differences, 
* Honest and respectful discourse, 
* Empathy towards others, 
* An open mind to the concerns and experiences of others,
* A commitment to creating and maintaining a safe environment, and 
* The courage to speak up when others are violating community values. 
Central to Babson College’s mission is the promotion of diversity and inclusion. [blah blah blah] The racist rhetoric, intimidation based on identity, and other demeaning ways in which some students are reportedly treating each other must end immediately. Regardless of personal point of view, political stance, race, gender, religion, or identity, it is imperative that we create an environment [blah blah blah] ... 
We are emphatic that we must all treat one another with respect, civility, honesty, and open-mindedness, reflecting both our moral responsibilities and our academic mission. We look forward to strong action by President Healey and her cabinet [blah blah blah]  
In this difficult time, we need to demonstrate leadership and to set a positive example. Let’s start together, right here and right now.
The statement is followed by a long list of gullible faculty members who were supposed:

* to teach and model careful thinking

* to treat their White male students Rand-Ricciardi and Tomasso with respect and civility.

Fortunately, most people are not as reflexively gullible as these 200+ Babson faculty members. The Heat Street article was followed by 117 comments, including he following:
Now the students need to sue the school and the women who made the false allegation. Unless there is a price to pay for making a false report, and for the school immediately suspending the students without proof, there will be moreof these incidents. Then there is the crying wolf problem. If this conduct is allowed to go unpunished, when a real hate crime occurs, it may be dismissed as just another fake.
I keep hearing these stories about roving groups of white males   attacking black women and other minorities verbally and sometimes physically when Trump won. Then the stories  don't pan out. A woman was  just arrested on NYC for filing a fale police report. It  just doesn't add up. People who supported Trump were happy, not angry and violent.
islamaphobia and hate crimes are real, but the second that i hear (white guy in Trump hat, guy in a Trump shirt, the guy yelled Trump) there is a 99.5% chance its a hoax. the whole boogeyman Trump supporter is a myth.
The professors should be disciplined.  Taking action without proof is punishment without cause, and there has to be something in the school charter prohibiting that. 
It'll also serve as a deterrent for other professors too eager to jump on the "Smear Trump Supporters at Every Opportunity" bandwagon. 
Truly amazing that people with Ph.D.s, where dissertative analysis requires hypothesis and evidence, seem so eager to jump to unproven conclusions when it suits them.
Yelling 'Make America Great Again" IS seen as racist and homophobic by the idiots on the Left who think they have carte blanche to do as they please including lying about others.
It seems like the standards of proof are similar to the Salem witch trials.
In America, people are INNOCENT until PROVEN guilty. 
In La-La-Liberal-Land collage campuses, the accused is punished simply on the politically incorrectness of the accusation, long before even an investigation has occured, let alone anyone being proven guilty.
The history of PROVEN false accusations by leftist liberals SHOULD have created an air of suspicion around ALL accusations by liberals, yet they still immediately believe their liars (then they have no comment when their lies are revealed).   #HandsUpDon'tShoot
It would seem that this is a good opportunity to invite the faculty who signed the letter to equally publicly apologise to the accused Babson students and to the Babson student community ...
Most of those commenters write in an uneducated manner, but they communicate more good sense than Babson College's faculty.

Tuesday, December 6, 2016

People Who Did Not See Keith Lamont Scott Being Killed

On September 20, 2016, an African-American named Keith Lamont Scott was shot to death in an encounter with five police officers in Charlotte, North Carolina. Essentially, the officers shot Scott because he threatened them with a loaded firearm. (The Wikipedia article about the incident is here.)

On November 30, District Attorney Andrew Murray announced that the officers were justified in shooting Scott and therefore would not be charged. The District Attorney's office published a 20-page report titled The Keith Lamont Scott Death Investigation, which provided the following details (emphasis added) about false witnesses who lied that they saw Scott being murdered by the police officers as he was walking away or trying to surrender.

False Witness Tahesha Williams
Williams said to the media: “I actually saw the shooting.” In interviews that aired on local television and Al Jazeera, Williams claimed Scott was unarmed with his hands raised, asking officers, “What is the problem? What did I do? What’s wrong?” when he was shot by a white, bald-headed police officer. She also said there were no black police officers present during the shooting and that the first black officer did not arrive at the scene until 10-15 minutes later. Williams told the media Scott had a black book and that she saw Scott step over the book – with his hands raised – after it fell off his lap. 
* On September 23, 2016, Williams told the SBI [State Bureau of Investigation] that she did not see the shooting
* She told the SBI that she was sitting on the couch, watching television, with the volume turned up loud and never saw Keith Scott until she went outside her apartment after the shooting. 
* She told the SBI she did not see a book or a gun at the scene when she went outside. ...
[Pages 9-10]
False Witness Tracy McLean
McLean gave a media interview on September 21, 2016, claiming that she was an eyewitness to the shooting. She stated that Scott was shot by a white police officer in a red shirt, and she said Officer Vinson wasn’t anywhere around. 
* On September 26, 2016, McLean told the SBI she did not see the shooting but did hear officers yelling, “Drop the gun.” 
[Page 11]
False Witness "John Doe 3"
This witness is a juvenile and was interviewed in the presence of his mother by the CMPD [Charlotte Municipal Police Department] and the SBI. He said he observed the incident from his bedroom window and later from a sliding glass door in his living room. 
* On the evening of September 20, 2016, this witness told CMPD that .... Scott was reading a book on the date of the incident and that Scott kept reading as the officers attempted to break the SUV’s window. He said Scott eventually put the book down and exited the SUV empty-handed. He said Scott’s hands were empty and “wide open” and that Scott walked toward officers and then turned and started going toward Scott’s SUV. According to this witness, “I’m pretty sure it was [the white officer because] like he was the one I could really, really see cause he wasn’t by no trees or nothing.” He also said that when Scott was in his SUV, “you could see the book and the pages on it.” 
* On September 26, 2016, this witness told the SBI that ...  officers said “stop,” and Scott stopped. There was a 30-second pause, and then officers said they were going to use a Taser on Scott. “Then they tased him,” he said. At this point, in response to the agent’s question, he clarifies that he did not, in fact, see Scott get “tased.” Instead, he heard that it happened from someone’s claim in a YouTube video. ... At the end of his interview, when asked by an agent whether he heard the police say anything about a gun after Scott exited his vehicle, he said the police did not say anything when he got out of his vehicle. He claimed everyone “got quiet.” 
* Investigators took photographs from this witness’ vantage point. The photos show that it would have been very difficult, if not impossible, for the witness to have seen all that he described. 
* This witness’ vantage point was from the passenger side of the SUV. All of his observations of the incident would have been made not only through the obstruction of a large tree but also through Scott’s SUV. 
* During his interviews, when asked to clarify parts of his statement, it becomes apparent that this witness incorporated information he heard from other sources as part of his eyewitness account. These sources include Scott’s family members, other residents of the neighborhood and YouTube videos concerning the shooting. .... 
[Pages 10-11]
False Witness "John Doe 4"
This witness was interviewed by the SBI because he left a voicemail with the CMPD, saying he saw the shooting and that officers must have planted the gun. He claimed he saw the shooting from 14 feet away, Scott did not have a gun and the police were involved in a cover-up. 
* When interviewed by the SBI, this witness admitted he did not see the shooting. He denied leaving the voicemail and claimed someone else must have used his phone. Further investigation showed that he was in the State of Nebraska when the shooting occurred. 
[Page 12]
The same kind of lying happened after the killing of Michael Brown. Various people lied that they saw Michael Brown standing still, raising his hands and pleading to surrender as a police officer shot him to death. 

Sunday, November 13, 2016

Support for Democrats has collapsed in Missouri

Missouri citizens voted in recent Presidential elections as follows:

Republican = 50.4%
Democrat = 47.1%

Republican = 53.3%
Democrat = 46.1%

Republican = 49.4%
Democrat = 49.3%

Republican = 53.8%
Democrat = 44.4%

Riots in Ferguson

Disruptions at the University of Missouri

Republican = 57.1%
Democrat = 38.0%

More simply, here is the Democratic Party's collapse in the last three Presidential elections:

2008 = 49%
2012 = 44%
2016 = 38%


An exit poll of Missouri voters indicates that two-thirds of White voters voted for Donald Trump.


Below are the Missouri elections for other positions in November 2016.

US Senate
Republican = 51%
Democrat = 48%

US House, District 1 (Saint Louis)
Republican = 20%
Democrat = 75%

US House, District 2
Republican = 59%
Democrat = 38%

US House, District 3
Republican = 68%
Democrat = 28%

US House, District 4
Republican = 68%
Democrat = 28%

US House, District 5 (Kansas City)
Republican = 39%
Democrat = 58%

US House, District 6
Republican = 68%
Democrat =28%

US House, District 7
Republican = 68%
Democrat = 27%

US House, District 8
Republican =  74%
Democrat = 23%

Republican = 51%
Democrat = 45%

Lieutenant Governor
Republican = 55%
Democrat = 40%

Attorney General
Republican = 61%
Democrat = 39%

Secretary of State
Republican = 60%
Democrat = 36%

State Senate Seats
Republican = 26 seats
Democrat = 8 seats

State House Seats
Republican = 117 seats
Democrat = 45 seats,_2016

Tuesday, October 4, 2016

Brown stopped on the east end of Copper Creek Court

The US Justice Department's report about the death of Michael Brown did not specify the spot where Brown stopped running away, turned around and began charging toward Police Officer Darren Wilson. Rather, the report specified only the 21.6-foot distance from Brown's first blood drops to his dead body (page 7).

Brown charged a considerable distance before that first blood drop hit the street, but the Justice Department preferred to omit any such consideration -- preferred to create a false impression that Brown charged perhaps only 21.6 feet (about 7 yards).

The charge-beginning spot was discussed but not specified clearly either in the grand-jury documents that were released to the public. The police investigators told the grand jury that Brown began charging from the the northwest corner (page 32) of Canfield Drive and Coppercreek Court and that the distance from that corner to Brown's body was 16 yards (48 feet) (page 89).

The grand jury transcripts (pages 31-33) record that a police detective told the grand jury that such a point was confirmed by multiple eyewitnesses:
Next board I’m going to mark [as] Grand Jury Exhibit 105. …. And why is it that this cone was placed at that location on Canfield Drive ...?

As best we could tell based off of witness accounts, that would have been the furthest point east that Michael Brown would have went to. So that intersection of roughly Coppercreek Court and Canfield Drive. ….

Grand Juror
… is this the point where he stopped in the roadway and turned?

Yes, ma’am. We are basing that off of witness statements as best we could tell. That was the point that they had made reference to and so we used that as the furthest eastern point to go to.
Grand Jury Exhibit 105 has not been released to the public, but two documents indicate that police investigators set a "baseline" at the southwest point of the intersection of Canfield Drive and Copper Creek Court. The cone's location seems to be the one in this unofficial photograph:

This cone seems to be the one mentioned in regard to Grand Jury's Exhibit 105,
but this is not that exhibit, and the annotations are not official.

(I have lost my reference to the photo's source.) 
The below photograph indicates Brown's charge -- about 16 yards -- from that spot.

The grand-jury documents indicate that Brown charged according to the blue arrow,
a distance of about 16 yards.
However, three African-American witnesses -- whom I have designated as Balcony Brother, Visiting Brother and Visiting Sister-in-Law -- indicated that Brown began charging from the southeast corner, near the intersection's street sign. I estimate that this distance from this spot to Brown's dead body was about 25 yards.

Those three witnesses were watched the event from the balcony in this photograph's upper-right corner.

The three best eyewitnesses for the spot where Brown
began his charge watched the incident from the balcony
in the photograph's upper-right corner.

The photograph's top edge is
the scene's east area.

The upper side of Copper Creek Court
in the photograph is that street's east side.
Visiting Sister-in-Law told investigators that the spot where Brown began his advance was on the east side of Copper Creek Court (page 17), and Visiting Brother indicated that the spot was near the intersection's street sign (page 91). Based on those and other remarks from the three balcony witnesses, I have marked the spot on the below photograph.

Visiting Sister-in-Law said that Brown began his
charge from the east side of Copper Creek Court

Visiting Brother said that Brown began his
charge near a street sign.

Accordingly, I have placed a red dot near
the spot where Brown began his charge. 
The above photograph is taken from the below video, atsecond 27.

The below photograph indicates Brown's charge -- I estimate about 25 yards -- from that spot.

The three balcony witnesses indicated that Brown began his charge from
Copper Creek Court's east side, near the street sign. 
In an interview with investigators on August 18, Visiting Sister-in-Law was given a photograph of the scene and was asked to draw an arrow showing Brown's run from the police car. Then one of the questioners described the arrow point:
Question: You indicated the grassy portion to the east of Copper Creek Court. Is that correct?

Visiting Sister-in-Law: Yes .... and then he [Brown] stopped and he turned around. 
(Pages 16-17; emphasis added)
Visiting Sister-in-Law said in her testimony to the grand jury on October 6:
Visiting Sister-in-Law: He ... got into the grassy area and he stopped. ... Then he turned back around and started going back towards the police officer. ...

Prosecutor (pointing to a photograph): The victim [Brown] stops in this area here, in the grassy area. So he's not on the street any more?

Visiting Sister-in-Law: No. 
 (Pages 23 and 26)

Visiting Brother-in-Law, in his testimony to the grand jury on October 2, pointed to a photograph and said:
He stopped right here at this driveway, and he turned around in the entrance of the driveway, about right there on the corner of the driveway. ...

He got to right at the edge of the driveway. This is a ... street sign, right there at the corner of the driveway. He stopped right there at the edge of the driveway, and then he turned around. 
(Pages 83-84 and 91; emphasis added)

Balcony Brother, interviewed by a detective on August 12, pointed to a photograph and said:
He ran to right here. He was standing about five feet from the street, on the driveway. That's when he turned. ...

He was about five to six feet off the street, in the driveway, right on the corner. ... He had one foot on the grass and one foot on the driveway, and then he turned around. ....

This is the driveway here. Then you'll see a street sign right here. He never made it that far, [to] the street sign. 
(Pages 6 and 7; emphasis added)
Balcony Brother on September 24 told an FBI Special Agent:
He crossed the sidewalk, he got on the back [east] part of the driveway, and he stopped. 
(Page 10; emphasis added)
Balcony Brother, testifying to the grand jury on September 30, pointed to a photograph and said:
Apartment Resident: When he got to here, Michael was standing right on the grass. ....

Prosecutor: Is he on the grass actually?

Apartment Resident: He is standing at the very edge [of the grass]. The driveways are blacktop. He is stopped right at the blacktop's very edge. 
(Pages 116-117)

The below photograph shows how far Brown ran forward. In the upper-right, I have red-circled the street sign that Brown almost reached. In the lower-left, I have circled blood stains where Brown's dead body lay.

According to the three balcony witnesses,
Brown began his charge from the street sign
circled in red in this photograph's background.

Brown fell dead n the area marked by the teddy bear
and candles in the foreground.

Sunday, October 2, 2016

Ferguson is the model for federalizing local schools

Even though the accusations that Ferguson's Police Officer Darren Wilson murdered Michael Brown were false, the Obama Administration used the accusations as an excuse to expand the Federal Government's control over Ferguson's municipal government and police force. The Obama Administration found Wilson to be innocent but then deftly changed the subject to the local Blacks' complaints about traffic tickets. Suddenly the racism accusations were re-aimed toward police officers who issue traffic tickets and toward municipal officials who treat the traffic fines as municipal revenue. The Obama Administration then proceeded to impose a series of new Federal controls onto Ferguson.

Ferguson is merely the first city that will suffer this fate. The Federal Government will follow the Ferguson model in any city where a White police officer is accused of murdering a Black. An FBI team will be rushed to the city to try to develop a case for indicting the officer on Federal charges. The FBI team also collect anecdotal evidence that any local officials ever have sent racist e-mails or that local Blacks are fined disproportionately for traffic violations. No matter whether the police officer ever is convicted, the FBI team will return to Washington DC with enough evidence to justify Federal control of that city's municipal government and police force.


Ferguson is a model also for the Federal Government to take over local education by preventing school board elections.

Wherever some Black is killed by a White police officer, the local Blacks will argue that the local school board is as racist as the local police force. Ferguson has shown that the following three arguments are effective in convincing a Federal judge to cancel all school-board elections:
* The local teachers union endorses relatively few Blacks for school-board seats.

* The town’s Blacks own disproportionately fewer homes and therefore suffer from a “calculus for voting” that results in fewer votes for Black candidates.

* The town’s Black students are subjected to disciplinary actions disproportionately, which is a “particularized need” ignored by the racist school board.
Here is how Ferguson established that legal precedent, which will be applied to other cities' school boards.

The decision by St. Louis County grand jury to not indict Wilson was announced on November 24, 2014. Within the following month, the local NAACP sued the Ferguson-Florissant School District (FFSD) because school-board elections are won disproportionately by Whites.

Twenty months later, on August 22, 2016, federal judge Rodney Sippel agreed with the NAACP and stopped all future school-board elections in Ferguson until some new scheme is established that will result in more Blacks winning school-board elections.

Judge Sippel reasoned that Ferguson’s school-board elections are racist because the local teachers union endorses relatively few Blacks for school-board positions. Sippel wrote:
…. the Ferguson-Florissant National Education Association (“FFNEA”) and the North County Labor Club (“NCLC”) are two well-established local slating organizations that endorse candidates for the [School] Board. …. Each of these organizations promotes its endorsed candidates jointly. …. Beyond providing the signaling value of slating candidates, these organizations provide tangible resources to endorsed candidates, including campaign literature, mailing lists, and access to volunteers. ….

African American candidates have less success than white candidates in getting endorsed by these organizations. …. Since 2006, similar numbers of white and Black candidates have run for office and sought FFNEA endorsement. The FFNEA has endorsed eleven of nineteen white candidates (58%) but only three of fifteen African American candidates (20%). ….

Neither FFNEA nor NCLC has written down or shared with the public their criteria for endorsement, and neither organization informs candidates after the fact why they were or were not endorsed.

The District presented credible evidence that the FFNEA endorsement process is open to everyone. … the FFNEA sends a letter to every candidate that files for the District board asking him or her to interview for their endorsement. Once a candidate applies, the FFNEA sends the candidates a list of questions and sets up an appointment time for the interview. The chair of the FFNEA Political Action Committee (“PAC”) is the leader of the endorsement committee and chooses its members. The PAC chair attempts to make the endorsement committee as racially diverse as possible and to include a mixture of males, females, teachers, and support personnel. …. the endorsement committee has been racially diverse for as long as he can remember.

The endorsement committee interviews candidates, asking the questions from the list of questions given ahead of time. No questions are added or omitted, and the questions are usually the same every year. Once the interviews have concluded, the committee discusses each candidate and votes on who to endorse. …. the endorsement decision is based on the candidates’ answers to the interview questions, which are aimed at finding out if the candidate’s interests are aligned with the FFNEA members’ interests.

In 2014, members of the African American community came together to brainstorm about ways to help the District. The group formed a Political Action Committee named “Grade A for Change.” … They decided to interview and recruit more African American candidates to run for the school board. In 2014, three African American candidates ran together under Grade A for Change: [Donna] Paulette-Thurman, [James] Savala, and [Willis] Johnson. Paulette-Thurman was elected to the Board in 2014, but Savala and Johnson were not. Grade A for Change supported the candidates’ campaigns financially and helped with signs and pamphlets. …

…. the testimony shows that all candidates are sent invitations to seek endorsement. It is undisputed, however, that both the FFNEA and the NCLC endorse more white candidates than Black candidates. Moreover, white candidates who are endorsed are more likely to win than African American candidates who receive endorsements. Accordingly, African Americans have much less success than white candidates in receiving the established slating groups’ endorsements, and in that sense, they are largely denied meaningful access to those slating groups.

Pages 106-109
Sippel reasoned also that the current elections are racist because Blacks own less housing and therefore their “calculus of voting” causes them to vote less.
African Americans in FFSD [Ferguson-Florissant School District] continue to bear the effects of past discrimination. …. One can still see once-formalized policies of racial segregation and housing discrimination “inscribed on [the regional] landscape” and that the formalized pattern of segregation by deed covenant had been “written into land use zoning,” which is “still very much the way in which we organize property and housing opportunity in a metro area,” causing officially sanctioned race discrimination and segregation to “persist to the present day.” ….

Housing equity is the principal form of wealth for most families, so barriers to equal opportunity to home ownership that African Americans in St. Louis County have faced for decades have had and continue to have a substantial negative impact on a family’s opportunity to accrue and retain wealth, to get favorable loan terms, to access public services and high-performing schools, and to benefit from increasing property values. … The wealth gap has increased recently “as a result of the last housing bubble and bust.” The wealth gap is one chief driver of continuing (and in some cases widening) disparities between African Americans and whites in FFSD in areas such as educational achievement, level of poverty, employment, and health care. ….

Political scientists who study voting behavior commonly use the “calculus of voting” as a cost benefit framework for determining whether and why individuals, as well as groups of people, do and do not vote. The calculus takes into account the probability that one’s vote will determine the outcome of an election, the benefits of seeing one’s preferred candidate win an election and potentially implement preferred policies, and the costs of voting, including: informing oneself about candidates, completing the administrative process of registering to vote, locating one’s polling place, and getting time off work. …..

This cost-benefit framework “indicates that for many people the decision of whether to vote or not can be a close call, and that . . . relatively small changes in either the benefits or the cost side of the equation can substantially increase or decrease the likelihood of voting in an election.” A small change in benefit or cost has a more pronounced effect on voters with less education and/or less income, and/or who are “less habitual” voters, because for them “it’s a little more difficult to overcome the cost that is associated with registering and turning out to vote, learning about candidates and so forth.” ….

There is ample evidence that the costs of voting are higher and the benefits lower for African American residents of FFSD as compared to white residents. There continue to be undisputed disparities between Black and white residents of FFSD on almost every socioeconomic indicator, including employment, wealth, home-ownership, access to health care, and other factors underlying basic economic security.

There are also undisputed disparities between African American and white FFSD students in educational achievement (including enrollment in advanced classes, the FFSD gifted and talented program, enrichment programs, extracurricular activities) and the application of discipline (including in-school suspensions, out-of-school suspensions, referrals to law enforcement, and corporal punishment).
There also continue to be undisputed disparities between Black and white residents of FFSD in the numbers of law enforcement stops, arrests, fines, and fees. …. “neighborhoods with higher levels of contact with the criminal justice system tend to have lower levels of voter participation.” This occurs because of the resulting “loss of economic resources,” and because criminal justice system involvement “tends to foster more negative attitudes and less trust of local government, which lowers the benefit side of the cost of voting calculation and makes those distrustful individuals less likely to see the benefit of voting in local elections.” Additionally, contact with the criminal justice system causes people “more difficulty engaging in joining in . . . local organizations and social networks that help bring people into local government and local community affairs.”

The turnout rates in FFSD Board elections provide further evidence that African American political participation is depressed. …. factors like home-ownership and education and income are strong predictors of voter turnout. Those factors provide resources that help people overcome the cost side of the calculus of voting and lead to voter turnout. So if there are racial disparities in those factors, they can contribute to racial disparities in political participation as well.”

Likewise, evidence in the record regarding registration rates also supports a finding that African Americans in FFSD are hindered in their ability to participate in the political process. According to Census Bureau data for November 2014, in the state of Missouri, the registration rate for people who identified as Black alone is 67.1%. The registration rate for people identifying themselves as white alone is 72.2%.

Pages 93 – 100
Sippel reasoned also that the current elections are racist because the current election procedures result in School Board members who do not address Blacks’ “particularized needs” to Sippel’s satisfaction.
…. the African American community in FFSD [Ferguson-Florissant School District] has particularized needs, and certain members of the [School] Board have been, at times, unresponsive to those particularized needs. …. There is significant evidence that the African American community in FFSD has particularized needs concerning several issues, including …. the disparate use of school discipline against African American schoolchildren, disparate educational opportunities for African American schoolchildren, and racial profiling by law enforcement.

…. certain members of the [School] Board are or were unaware of the African American community’s particularized needs. Certain Board members testified that they were unaware of any particularized needs, and others testified that they were unaware of socioeconomic disparities, racial profiling, historic discrimination, and the discipline gap. ….

The Board responded poorly to the transfer of Black students into the District, and the Board has done little to respond to discipline and achievement gaps. (… the Board’s emergency closed-meeting decision to decrease class sizes, candidates’ campaigning on this issue, and the Board’s later decisions to decline to provide transportation costs or set a lower tuition rate for these students had “very vocal and nasty” racial overtones and were perceived as “solely” intended “to prevent those kids from transferring to the district”) ….

The African American community in FFSD has particularized needs concerning the Board’s lack of transparency surrounding the suspension of former FFSD superintendent Dr. Art McCoy and its subsequent handling of the community’s response to that decision. It is undisputed that the Board’s decision to suspend Dr. McCoy, the first African American superintendent of FFSD, was contentious and widely opposed by the African American community in the District. There is also strong evidence that members of the African American community were frustrated with the Board because they would not give an explanation for the suspension. Members of the Board testified, however, that they remained silent about the reasons for the suspension because it was Board policy to keep matters private.

Pages 101 – 104
During the trial that led to Judge Sippel's decision, Ferguson's lawyers pointed out that, because of the controversy about the killing of Michael Brown, the Whites on the Ferguson school board informally arranged for a Black candidate, Dr. Courtney Graves, to win a seat. However, this increase in Black representation failed to convince Judge Sippel that the FFSD should be allowed to continue to conduct its own elections. Sippel reasoned that Graves’ victory was an exceptional event that did not disprove Sippel’s general opinion that Ferguson’s school-board elections are racist.
The 2015 election was held six months after the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, which led to large-scale demonstrations in the area, ongoing unrest, national attention, and a Department of Justice investigation into the Ferguson Police Department. Michael Brown’s death also had a substantial impact on FFSD itself; a protest was organized by District high school students, schools closed for a week, and counseling was provided to teachers, staff, and students. ….

On March 4, 2015, one month before the 2015 Board election, the Department of Justice released a report detailing the results of its investigation into the Ferguson Police Department. It found extensive discrimination by government officials in Ferguson, including racial bias and intentional discrimination in local law enforcement and municipal court practices, and referenced at least two incidents with school resource officers within FFSD schools. The Department of Justice’s investigative report specifically cited incidents of unconstitutional policing activities within FFSD schools.

The events surrounding the death of Michael Brown and the release of the Department of Justice’s report brought national and local attention to the area. Candidates, and voters more broadly, testified that they were aware of these events and there was some national interest in area elections, including the April 2015 election for the City of Ferguson’s City Council, which was on the ballot for many FFSD voters.

The death of Michael Brown and the local events in its aftermath had an impact on the FFSD 2015 election. It is undisputed that there were get-out-the-vote efforts in the area that may have caused greater rates of voter turnout than usual.

There is evidence that candidate behavior in the local April 2015 elections was affected by the events surrounding Michael Brown’s death. One white candidate chose not to run in the Ferguson city council election as a direct result of the events surrounding Michael Brown’s death. And only one incumbent white candidate ran for a FFSD Board seat; a longtime incumbent white candidate, Schroeder, decided not to run, leaving open a seat. At the same time, Black candidates joined the FFSD candidate pool in direct response to these events. As a result of these events, there was increased interest among African American candidates, and only one major white candidate in the candidate pool.

Voting patterns also changed in 2015. Dr. Graves explicitly encouraged a bullet voting strategy. Dr. Graves won by a “landslide,” there was suddenly a “striking” “surge” in white turnout, and unprecedented white support for Black candidate,” and her victory is due, in partly, to her use of a “single-shot” voting strategy. Such changes suggest the existence of special circumstances. The [School] District argues that the 2015 election was not impacted by special circumstances because Dr. Graves’ victory was the product of demographic changes that have occurred gradually over the past decade, as well as Dr. Graves’ qualifications and excellent campaign strategy.

While there can be little doubt that Dr. Graves ran an effective campaign, it does not diminish the fact that Dr. Graves’ overwhelming level of support was an exceptional occurrence rarely experienced by Black-preferred candidates, and therefore not necessarily evidence of a trend or the African American community’s sudden equal opportunity to elect preferred candidates. As Dr. Engstrom testified, “In my roughly 40 years as an expert witness in voting rights cases, I do not recall a post-litigation election that departed as dramatically from previous elections.”

Moreover, Dr. Graves’ success must be viewed under the totality of the circumstances. Taking the totality of the circumstances into account, I find that Plaintiffs’ explanation that the election was impacted by the events of late 2014, including the death of Michael Brown, subsequent protests, DOJ action, and national news coverage, is more plausible than the District’s argument that there was no such impact.

Pages 70 – 73
The general argument is that local school boards are inherently racist because their members are elected by the local electorates, which are inherently racist. The only solution is for federal judges to overthrow our system in which schools are governed by school boards that are elected by the local population. This racist system will be replaced by a political system in which all schools are governed by the US Department of Education, which is dominated by permanent bureaucrats who are are "social justice warriors", experts in combating racism.

Saturday, October 1, 2016

Crime rates rose significantly in Ferguson during 2014-2015

Crime in the city of Ferguson, Missouri, has risen significantly since police officer Darren Wilson was falsely accused of murdering Michael Brown there in August 2014. Crime in Ferguson -- population about 21,0000 -- rose significantly more than in other US cities of similar size.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) provides the following statistics for crimes that were recorded in US cities with population in the range from 10,000 to 25,000.

The 2013 statistics are here.
The 2014 statistics are here.
The 2015 statistics are here.

The below list indicates that the rates changed little during the three-year period 2013-2015.

All rates below are incidents per 100,000 residents, rounded to the nearest integer. An exact half is rounded upward.

Violent Crimes
In 2013 = 269
In 2014 = 264
In 2015 = 270

Murder and Non-Negligent Manslaughter
In 2013 = 3
In 2014 = 3
In 2015 = 3

Rapes (revised definition)
In 2013 = 35
In 2014 = 34
In 2015 = 33

In 2013 = 60
In 2014 = 56
In 2015 = 55

Aggravated Assaults
In 2013 = 177
In 2014 = 176
In 2015 = 180

Property Crimes
In 2013 = 2,727
In 2014 = 2,572
In 2015 = 2,461

In 2013 = 538
In 2014 = 472
In 2015 = 428

Larcenies - Thefts
In 2013 = 2,055
In 2014 = 1,971
In 2015 = 1,902

Motor Vehicle Thefts
In 2013 = 135
In 2014 = 129
In 2015 = 131


Ferguson fits into the above group of cities -- populations 10,000 to 25,000. The FBI provides Ferguson's statistics, from which I have calculated the rates. You will see in the below list that the rates rise significantly compared to the above list.

The 2013 statistics are here.
The 2014 statistics are here.
The 2015 statistics are here.

Ferguson Population
In 2013 = 21,115
In 2014 = 21,090
In 2015 = 21,059

In each case, I used the year's population and the number of incidents to calculate the rate (per 100,000 residents).

Violent Crimes
In 2013 --> 101 --> 478
In 2014 --> 115 --> 545
In 2015 --> 190 --> 902

Murders and Non-Negligent Manslaughters
In 2013 --> 2 --> 9
In 2014 --> 2 --> 10
In 2015 --> 5 --> 24

Rapes (revised definition)
In 2013 --> 3 --> 14
In 2014 --> 2 --> 10
In 2015 --> 8 --> 38

In 2013 --> 54 --> 256
In 2014 --> 51 --> 242
In 2015 --> 82 --> 389

Aggravated Assaults
In 2013 --> 42 --> 199
In 2014 --> 60 --> 284
In 2015 --> 95 --> 451

Property Crimes
In 2013 --> 1,126 --> 5,333
In 2014 --> 1,027 --> 4,870
In 2015 --> 1,005 --> 4,772

In 2013 --> 300 --> 1,421
In 2014 --> 326 --> 1,546
In 2015 --> 366 --> 1,734

Larcenies - Thefts
In 2013 --> 749 --> 3,547
In 2014 --> 628 --> 2,978
In 2015 --> 520 --> 2,469

Motor Vehicle Thefts
In 2013 --> 77 --> 365
In 2014 --> 73 --> 346
In 2015 --> 119 --> 565

The rate of Property Crimes declined in the such-size cities in general and in Ferguson in particular. Property Crimes encompass the following:

* burglary

* larceny

* theft

* motor-vehicle theft

* arson

* shoplifting

* vandalism

I speculate that in Ferguson the shop-lifting incidents declined significantly because of the destruction and bankruptcy of retail businesses.

Wednesday, July 13, 2016

Brown and Johnson walked the whole way from the Market

Since I began writing this blog, I have been trying to argue that the white Monte Carlo drove Michael Brown and Dorian Johnson part of the way from the Ferguson Market and Liquor store to their encounter with Police Officer Darren Wilson. Today, however, I found proof that my idea was wrong.

Located at the southeast corner of West Florissant Avenue and Canfield Drive is a business called Shopping Center Services. That business had three cameras pointed at that intersection's sidewalks. Those three cameras filmed Brown and Johnson, a few minutes before the encounter, walking north on West Florissant Avenue, turning east on Canfield Drive, and walking east on Canfield Drive.

The information is on the Investigative Report, pages 167-168.

During the next few weeks, I will rewrite the relevant articles in this blog.

Friday, July 8, 2016

A race-baiting fabricator has been sentenced to jail

In the days and weeks following the Ferguson incident, many gullible people fell for the bizarre accusation.

* A White police officer became enraged that a young Black man was walking in the middle of the street.

* The White police officer reached through his vehicle window and seized the Black's neck.

* The White police officer drew his pistol and, through the vehicle window, shot the Black in the shoulder.

* The White police officer chased the Black down the middle of the street and shot the Black in the back.

* The Black stopped, turned around, raised his hands, and pleaded to surrender, but the White police officer shot the Black repeatedly at close range until the Black fell dead.

Such an incident is not impossible, but sensible people felt a healthy skepticism. Throughout the USA, however, millions of gullible people fell for for the yarn. Furthermore, these  gullible people hysterically hurled racism accusations against anyone -- even friends and relatives -- who did express healthy skepticism. The racism accusations were intended to silence the skeptics, who tried to discuss the evidence objectively.

It's important for sensible people to keep in mind that some people in our society are race-baiting fabricators who want to incite racial paranoia and rage throughout our society. Sometimes fabricators falsely embellish actual incidents (e.g. in Ferguson), and sometimes fabricators create completely imaginary incidents.

Gullible people who reflexively fall for race-baiting fabricators and who self-righteously accuse skeptical people of being racists  consider themselves to be intellectually or morally superior, but they are obnoxious fools.


Fortunately, a race-baiting fabricator recently was sentenced to jail and to a large fine for creating an imaginary racism incident. The story was reported by Tom Haydon for the website NJCOM on June 17, 2016.

Kayla McKelvey (right) being sentenced
for fabricating a racism incident.
A Superior Court judge Friday sentenced a Kean University [in Union, New Jersey] graduate to 90 days in jail and five years probation for posting Twitter messages threatening to kill black students on the campus. 
However, Judge Robert Mega expressed his disagreement with the plea-agreement and sentence for the defendant, Kayla McKelvey, an African American woman, who admitted writing the messages because she wanted to bring attention to racism on campus. 
In her statement to the judge, McKelvey apologized for sending the messages, which said black students would be shot. She admitted the tweets were wrong but said her intent to raise awareness about racial issues was correct. 
McKelvey, 25, and a former president of the university's Pan African Student Union, said she "made a poor error in judgement to shine a light on an issue that is important to me. My intent was to expose racism on campus," McKelvey said. She opened her statement by apologizing to the university and Union Township police, and to her friends and family. .... 
The messages were sent during a protest last November about racism on the campus. McKelvey in court today said that during the rally she heard "people yelling white power, calling us monkeys." 
She had pleaded guilty to a charge of creating a false public alarm, and in exchange, the prosecutor's office agreed to recommend the three-month sentence. 
Mega, before announcing the sentence, challenged Union County Assistant Prosecutor Shawn Barnes to defend the plea agreement. 
"Why shouldn't I reject this plea," Mega asked. He said the threats caused mayhem on the campus and could have turned the university community "into a tinder box." 
Barnes replied that it was a third-degree crime, that McKelvey had no prior criminal record, that she agreed to pay $82,328 in restitution to law enforcement agencies that investigated the threats, and that the plea agreement had been discussed with Kean University. 
McKelvey's lawyer, Thomas Ashley, had asked Mega to place his client on probation, with no jail time, saying McKelvey had been an honor student, a homecoming queen, a student leader on the campus prior to graduation in the spring of 2015, and had a history of community service. Ashley said McKelvey once had a bright future but now has suffered, losing her job as a certified personal trainer, and losing nearly all her friends. 
Barnes had previously argued for a three-month jail sentence, saying that Friday was the first time McKelvey had expressed remorse. He said the 10 threatening messages spread panic across the campus, and caused more than half of students to miss two or three days of classes, all because McKelvey wanted to attract more protesters to her rally. .... 
Authorities say that on Nov. 17, 2015, McKelvey, then a graduate of the university, participated in a protest against racism on the campus. McKelvey left the rally midway through, however, going to a computer station located in a university library and creating an anonymous Twitter account to post the tweets. She then returned to the rally and spread word of the threats. ...
Race-baiting fabricators can cause destructive riots and racial animosity in our society. The harsh sentence imposed on McKelvey should discourage other people who contemplate such antics. Perhaps McKelvey herself might have been discouraged if the Ferguson liars had been prosecuted for their perjury.

Although it was possible that some real racist was using Twitter to broadcast threats to murder Blacks at Kean University, such a situation was unlikely and deserved healthy skepticism.

Tuesday, June 7, 2016

A judge has ordered the release of the full transcripts

One complication in the study of the Ferguson incident is that many words of the transcripts released to the public have been whited-out. The words have been whited out in order to protect the identities of the witnesses, who were promised anonymity.

Many witnesses perceived that there were people with criminal mentalities in Ferguson who would attack "snitches" who told the truth about the incident to police investigators and to the grand jury. The anonymous "snitches" contradicted the public liars and caused the grand jury to refuse to indict Police Officer Darren Wilson.

Keep in mind that many people in the neighborhood participated in massive rioting, looting and arson after the killing and again after the grand jury's no-indictment decision was announced. The inciters of arson included Michael Brown's stepfather Louis Head, who urged the neighborhood mobs to "burn this bitch down!".

Immediately following stepfather Head's incitement many businesses and automobiles were destroyed by arson.

In these circumstances, the witnesses who actually did see the incident and then testified truthfully to the grand jury still have good reason to fear for their safety if the Brown family and the neighborhood's looters and arsonists ever learn their identities.

The Brown family is trying to sue for a huge monetary compensation for the death of Michael Brown. For that lawsuit, the family's lawyers have demanded to obtain the full transcripts in order to identify all the witnesses. Now the family has a monetary interest in "persuading" witnesses who previously testified about what they actually did see, in order to match the testimony of the liars who did not actually see the killing.

Recently a federal judge consented to the Brown family's demand but imposed restrictions on the lawyers' distribution of the new details. This decision was reported by AP reporter Jim Suhr, but his article did not explain whether the family members themselves -- or just their lawyers -- will obtain the details to identify the witnesses. 
Michael Brown's family will get unredacted transcripts of grand jury proceedings involving the officer who killed the 18-year-old, a federal judge said Monday, marking the first time someone other than a prosecutor or grand juror will see uncensored details of the secret proceedings. 
U.S. District Judge E. Richard Webber's protective order spelling out terms of the release requires St. Louis County prosecutors to hand over the testimony and the names of grand jury witnesses to attorneys for Brown's family, which is pressing a wrongful-death lawsuit. The order bars the attorneys designated to see the grand jury items from making any of them public, lest they be jailed for contempt.  ....
St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Robert McCulloch publicly released heavily redacted transcripts of the grand jury testimony, but he refused to release the names of witnesses, who were promised anonymity.
An attorney for McCulloch's office, Linda Wasserman, had opposed the disclosure request and later sought to limit it. In a recent court filing, she cited "continued grave concerns, in light of the lives at stake, regarding the efficacy of a protective order in controlling the short-term and long-term threat of personal harm to innocent persons called as witnesses in this case." 
Monday's order also calls for authorities to release unredacted transcripts of witness interviews, written statements obtained by St. Louis County police, audio-record transcripts and autopsy and scene photographs not previously disclosed. 
"We now get the chance to have an unblemished look at who said what to whom and under what context," Anthony Gray, the family's attorney, told The Associated Press. "We consider this to be a huge development in the case — very significant and monumental in terms of discovery." 
Brown's parents are suing Wilson, the city of Ferguson and its former police chief, Thomas Jackson. 
Peter Dunne, an attorney for the defendants, declined to discuss Monday's order, saying he did "not want to get sideways with the court" by speaking publicly about it. 
"It was done with a tremendous amount of concern expressed by the judge and others about making sure that proper balance was struck between the need for the information and concerns expressed by people who frankly didn't want information about them disclosed," Dunne said. ....  

Many witnesses saw the incident from their apartments, and so the whiting-out of their addresses in the transcripts causes difficulties in picturing their narratives. The reader must use the clues that remain in the transcripts. For example, a witness might remark that he was looking at Brown's left side as Brown was running away from the police vehicle. The witness might remark that he saw Brown's footwear fall off, right before Brown disappeared from his view. The witness might remark that his apartment was on the building's second story. Analyzing such clues, the witnesses standpoint might be determined.

For example, the witness whom the Justice Department designated as Witness 129 and whom I designated as Stairwell Man was sitting in the stairwell outside his apartment, which faced a parking lot. The released transcript whited-out his name, his address on Canfield Drive, and a location description (which floor? facing which direction, etc.).

When he heard noise on Canfield Drive, he looked out from the stairwell. He could see some moments of the incident but could not see other moments, because another building blocked some of his view. Based on the moments when he saw Brown's footwear fall off and when he saw Brown and Wilson disappear from his view, I deduced that Stairwell Man was sitting in this location:

Stairwell Man could see Brown and Wilson at some moments
but could not see them at other moments, so Stairwell Man's
location can be deduced. 
Suppose that the Brown family's lawyers identify and re-question Stairwell Man. He already has been recorded telling police investigators that he could not see either Brown or Wilson during the fatal shots, because his view of both was blocked by the neighboring building. So he will not be able to provide new insight into the fatal moments.

Rather, Stairwell Man might surface considerations that the Brown family's lawyers would prefer to remain ignored. For example, Stairwell Man told the grand jury that a white car turned around and approached the police vehicle where Brown and Wilson were arguing. That remark of Stairwell Man's was ignored during the grand-jury questioning. That remark might open a can of worms for the Brown family's lawyers in a civil trial. After all, Dorian Johnson jumped into a nearby white car during the incident.

Having studied the available testimony, I fell certain that re-questioning witness and clarifying their statements will hurt the Brown family's argument much more than help it. More, better information works to the Brown family's detriment.

A civil trial would end in defeat for the Brown family, but the trial would cost the Ferguson city government a lot of money and more controversy. The Brown family's various legal procedures to identify and re-question witnesses aggravate the nuisances and so motivate a settlement.

Besides, if the Ferguson government gives a huge amount of money to the Brown family, the Obama Administration will compensate the Ferguson government by awarding that much more federal aide to the city. The Obama Administration always is looking for clever ways to give money to African-Americans with bogus complaints, and this would be another opportunity to do so.


Because the full transcripts are being released to the Brown family's lawyers, I suggest that the District Attorney's office should be open to adjusting some of its decisions about text that was whited-out. For example, the Stairwell Man transcript might continue to white-out his precise address, but an annotation might confirm that he lived in Building 3.

Sunday, April 3, 2016

False Accusations of Racist Crimes

Many of the people who believed the false accusations in the Ferguson incident were insufficiently skeptical. The story was unlikely -- that a police officer repeatedly and fatally shot, in the middle of a busy residential street and in broad daylight, a person standing still and raising his hands and trying to surrender. The story was possible, but it was unlikely. The proper attitude toward the story would have been skepticism.

On the other hand, many people argued that it was unlikely that three witnesses -- Dorian Johnson, Piaget Crenshaw and Tiffany Mitchell -- would conspire to tell a false story in the mass media. Therefore, the proper attitude toward police officer Darren Wilson's story was skepticism. That argument too is valid.

Since, however, it turned out that the lies were told by those three African-American "witnesses", not by Wilson, the lessons from this particular incident revolve around the skepticism that should be directed toward racism accusations. It does happen often that racism accusations are lies.

The Fake Hate Crimes website provides a list of hundreds of racism accusations that turned out to be hoaxes. In general, same people concoct racist incidents that did not happen.

In the case of Michael Brown, a fatal incident did happen, but the incident was distorted deceitfully by liars who insinuated in the mass media that the death was a racist murder. This hoax launched a months-long orgy of racism accusations. Millions of liberal zealots of all colors hysterically hurled daily racism accusations against normal people who expressed any skepticism about the unlikely story of Michael Brown being murdered while trying to surrender.

Fortunately, the many Black and half-Black witnesses who actually did see the incident testified truthfully and ultimately exonerated Wilson.


As I write this article, the most recent hoax listed (#217) in the Fake Hate Crimes website is an accusation that three African-American female university students -- Ariel Agudio, Asha Burwell and Alexis Briggs -- ere subjected to a racist attack on a public bus in Albany, New York. No such attack happened.

Fortunately, the three liars have been arrested and charged for concocting this racism hoax. Here are photographs of them in handcuffs.

Photo from
Ariel Agudio, Asha Burwell and Alexis Briggs,
arrested and charged for a racism hoax in Albany, New York

The racism lies were told mainly by Burwell but were confirmed falsely by Agudio and Briggs. As in the Ferguson incident, the collaboration of thee witnesses in telling a false story can convince many people in the public -- especially political liberals of all colors who believe racism accusations reflexively.

In this yarn about supposedly rampant racism in Albany, New York, the three African-American female students got onto a public bus and were attacked physically by a mob of White racist university students. Fortunately, however, several cameras on the bus filmed the incident and eventually showed that Burwell herself was the racist attacker. Furthermore, police investigators were able to interview many people on the bus, confirming the racism hoax.

Liberal White students who had been inclined to believe the racism accusations were dismayed when the truth was revealed and the three liars were arrested. For example The New York Times reported:
.... Many of their peers, however, saw the videos and charges as evidence of betrayal. 
“It’s disappointing and saddening that somebody who seemed to be trying to help the movement would be the one to set it back,” said Lauren Hospedales, a freshman, referring to Ms. Burwell. She said she was worried that “it’ll be harder for people to believe and support” minority women in similar situations in the future. .... 
Yet already, students said, their classmates — on Twitter, on the anonymous bulletin-board app Yik Yak and in passing remarks — had turned from conversations about discrimination and diversity to snickering about what they saw as the young women’s lies.
“I feel like they kind of messed it up for the rest of us,” Olivia Bishop, a junior, said on Tuesday. “It’s like, I stood up for you, and now to figure out that you wanted this whole thing to be a hoax, it’s disappointing. It’s just honestly the saddest thing in the world.”
Perhaps the severest and most righteous public denunciation of the three liars was made by an African-American in this video. Unfortunately, I do not know his name.

Beginning at about 1:10 we see an elderly African-American woman, Alice Green, respected in Albany for her Civil Rights activities, who was allowed to watch the bus’s video before the public was allowed to watch it. Ms. Green reports in a televised interview that she did not see any attack by Whites on the three Black women.

Beginning at about 3:40, the unnamed Black commentator remarks that Asha Burwell, the apparent leader among the three Hillary Youths, has a brother who is an NFL professional football player. Burwell’s brother was so upset by her accusation that he came to Albany and threatened the White student who allegedly hit her. Subsequently, that White student became so frightened that he fled the school and went into hiding. (This indicates to me that Burwell knew and had a gripe with this particular White student before she hit him on the bus.)

The black commentator remarks that not only was this White student terrorized, but Asha’s brother risked his career as a professional football player by becoming involved violently in Asha's racism hoax.

Beginning at about 8:55, the Black commentator mentions that the Albany University’s president interrupted his vacation and returned to Albany to deal with this racism hoax.

It will be interesting to see whether the University president will initiate any disciplinary measures against student Asha Burwell for creating a situation that caused a White student to flee the school and to go into hiding. After all, universities should be safe places for all students.


The below video includes all of Burwell's telephone conversations with the 911 dispatchers.

Listening to those conversations, I was impressed mostly by Burwell's inability to describe the alleged incident. Essentially, she reported that the three women were “jumped” because they were Black. Beyond that core allegation, Burwell was not able to describe the incident to the 911 dispatchers.

Burwell's story lacked any sequence of events, any circumstances, any details about the participants.

As I have been researching this blog about the Ferguson incident, I have read dozens of transcripts of interviews of witnesses. Some of the witnesses were police patrolmen and investigators, and their statements all are cogent. Most of the witnesses, however, were ordinary, random by-standers who happened to see some of the incident.

Most of those by-stander witnesses were inarticulate. Their statements were ungrammatical, non-sequential, incoherent, confusing.

Most of those Ferguson by-stander witnesses apparently had poor intelligence and education, and so it’s understandable that they had difficulty describing what they unexpectedly saw.

In contrast, in the Albany incident, the "witnesses" were university students. They too were unable to describe the incident intelligently, even though they were central participants.

Listening to the 911 calls on the above video, I noticed a couple of other aspects.

First, the callers were hyper-critical of authorities. The callers were angry that police did not appear at the bus immediately to investigate and punish the racist villains.

Second, the callers repeatedly threatened to inform the mass media if the 911 calls did not cause police to appear immediately to investigate and punish the racist villains.

These two aspects of the Albany incident reminded me of the Ferguson incident, where likewise many neighborhood residents were hypercritical of police officials and investigators. The neighborhood residents saw their main defenders in the mass media.


Update (May 7, 2016): 

As a consequence of their race-baiting hoax, the University at Albany has expelled Burwell and Agudio from the student body and has suspended Briggs for two years. A local newspaper, the Times Union, reported:
The decision to dismiss the students came through a student conduct board, which is separate from the criminal justice system. A hearing before a student conduct board is scheduled when a student is facing suspension, dismissal, removal from residence or at the discretion of an administrator. 
The three did not appear for their scheduled student conduct board hearing March 9, as their lawyers cited a conflict of interest in which UAlbany served as judge in the board hearings and witness in the criminal case. 
In their absence, only two witnesses spoke at the hearing, according to a confidential letter recapping the hearing. 
One witness was Inspector Paul Burlingame of the University Police Department, who cited video, audio, witness interviews, and more than 300 hours of investigation as he testified to the board that the three women started the fight. 
"There is absolutely no evidence which supports Ms. Burwell's version of events that the incident was precipitated by a female passenger hitting Ms. Burwell while Ms. Burwell was seated," Burlingame said, "and in fact, there is no video evidence showing Ms. Burwell being struck by anyone at all." 
Because the incident was first reported as a hate crime, Burlingame testified that victims of the assault did not come forward at first as they feared for their safety. 
Only when they learned there was video of the incident did they reach out, Burlingame said. 
Two students withdrew from school due to the incident, Burlingame testified at the hearing. 
"One of the female victims," Burlingame said, "withdrew out of concern for her physical safety." 
Burlingame said another student withdrew, "having been the target of threats made on social media because of the false reports made by (the women) of his having participated in an alleged hate crime. ... 
The only other witness at the hearing was by Joseph Brennan, a UAlbany vice president of communications and marketing, who testified that the school suffered "reputational harm" as a result of the conduct of the three women. 
Brennan testified that the women's actions impacted the school's recruiting and created a disruption that exceeded that of "floods, hurricanes, power outages and fatalities" he had encountered in his 25-year career. He said UAlbany has already received notifications from families that they would not send their children to "such a place" and that his office has had to cancel production of a fundraising video and a social media campaign as a result of the three women's actions. ...
Update (June 19, 2017):

From a news article titled Agudio and Burwell Sentenced In UAlbany / CDTA Bus Incident:
... Neither will spend time in jail. They will have to serve three years of probation, pay a $1,000 fine, and perform 200 hours of community service. ....

The defense had argued that Agudio and Burwell interpreted the comments others made on the bus as racially motivated and therefore they hadn't lied when they reported to police that they had been victims of a racial incident.

A third woman, Alexis Briggs, who was present with Agudio and Burwell the night of the incident recanted her story, saying she should have done more to stop the false narrative. She accepted a plea deal with the district attorney, and agreed to apologize and was sentenced to perform community service.

Sunday, March 27, 2016

Blacks are more likely to be shot by police because they resist arrest

African-Americans are much more likely than other ethnic groups to be shot by police officers because African-American are much more likely to resist arrest. For example, in San Francisco, African-Americans resist arrest about eight times more frequently than Whites, according to an article written by Emily Greeen, titled "African Americans cited for resisting arrest at high rate in S.F." and published by SFGate:
African Americans in San Francisco are cited for resisting arrest at a rate eight times greater than whites even when serious crimes are not involved, according to statistics drawn from court records. 
From January 2010 to April 24 of this year, law enforcement officers cited suspects with resisting arrest 9,633 times in cases where the suspect was not charged with a felony. African Americans accounted for 45 percent of those cited, even though they make up just 6 percent of the city’s population. 
The statistics are drawn from San Francisco’s case management system, which tracks court cases in the city. They include arrests made by all law enforcement agencies that operate in San Francisco, including the police and sheriff’s departments. ....
Whites, who make up roughly half of San Francisco’s population, made up 39 percent of those cited for resisting arrest. Asian Americans, who make up roughly a third of the population, accounted for just 3 percent of those cited for resisting arrest. Latinos are not broken out as a separate demographic and instead are generally included among whites. .... 
“Any person who has contact with the police should cooperate, regardless if they believe they are in the right or not,” [Police Department spokesman Officer Albie] Esparza wrote in an e-mail. “When anyone does not listen to order and resist police efforts ... those individuals will be held accountable for their actions regardless of age, race, creed, religion, gender, etc. .... 
In San Francisco, racial disparities in arrest rates are commonplace. African Americans made up 47 percent of all people arrested by San Francisco police from 2009 to 2014, according to department statistics. ... 
Of course, apologists for African-Americans who resist arrest argue perversely that such statistics prove merely that police officers harass African-Americans disproportionately. To read a lot of such sophistry, read the entire article.

Outside of San Francisco -- everywhere in the USA -- African-Americans disproportionately commit crimes and resist arrest. Because of these two factors -- 1) committing crimes and 2) resisting arrest -- African-Americans are extraordinarily likely to be shot by police officers.

Michael Brown was just one example of this ubiquitous phenomenon. Brown, a few minutes after committing a strong-armed robbery, was stopped by a police officer. Brown punched the officer in the face and tried to grab the officer's pistol. Then Brow ran away. Then Brown turned around and charged at least 16 yards toward the police officer, trying again to grab his pistol. As a consequence, Brown was shot dead by the police officer.


American Rennaissance magazine recently published an article written by Edwin S. Rubenstein and titled "The Color of Crime, 2016 Revised Edition", about racial differences in criminality. A small part of this article addresses the issue of police officers shooting Black people. The article's executive summary includes the following findings:
* In 2015, a black person was 2.45 times more likely than a white person to be shot and killed by the police. A Hispanic person was 1.21 times more likely. These figures are well within what would be expected given race differences in crime rates and likelihood to resist arrest. 
* In 2015, police killings of blacks accounted for approximately 4 percent of homicides of blacks. Police killings of unarmed blacks accounted for approximately 0.6 percent of homicides of blacks. The overwhelming majority of black homicide victims (93 percent from 1980 to 2008) were killed by blacks.
Rubenstein is the president of a company called ESR Research. He has worked as a senior economist at W.R. Grace & Co., and as research director at the Hudson Institute. His articles have appeared in Harvard Business Review, New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Investor’s Business Daily. He is the author of two books: The Right Data and From the Empire State to the Vampire State: New York in a Downward Transition.

In his article's part about police officers shooting Black people, Rubenstein wrote (emphasis added):
... the Washington Post investigated every reported case of a fatal shooting by the police during 2015. It found 990 cases, with the following racial distribution of victims: 
     White: 50.0 percent (495 victims) 
     Black: 26.1 percent (258) 
     Hispanic: 17.4 percent (172) 
     Asian: 1.4 percent (14) 
     Other/Unknown: 5.2 percent (51) 
Given their proportions in the population, a black person was 2.45 times more likely than a white person to be shot and killed by police, a Hispanic was 1.24 times more likely, and an Asian was only one third as likely. It is reasonable to expect people of different races to find themselves in potentially lethal confrontations with the police in proportion to their likelihood to commit violent crime, with blacks most likely and Asians least likely. 
.... in California — a large state that keeps consistent statistics on race and ethnicity — blacks are arrested for violent crimes at 5.35 times the white rate, and Hispanics at 1.42 times the white rate. The low likelihood of Asians being killed by police is in keeping with low Asian arrest rates for violent crime. The black and Hispanic multiples for police shooting deaths are well within the arrest multiples — the black multiple is less than half — and certainly do not suggest undisciplined police violence. 
Moreover, FBI data show that from 2005 to 2014, blacks accounted for 40 percent of police killings. Since blacks were approximately 13 percent of the population, it meant they were 4.46 times more likely than people of other races to kill a police officer. ....
The Washington Post noted further that all but 93 of the 990 people fatally shot by police were armed, usually with a firearm or knife. The unarmed victims had the following racial distribution: 
     White: 34.4 percent (32 victims) 
     Black: 40.8 percent (38) 
     Hispanic: 19.4 percent (18) 
     Asian: 0 percent (0) 
     Unknown: 5.4 percent (5) 
An unarmed black was therefore 5.6 times more likely than an unarmed white to be shot by police, and a Hispanic was 2.6 times more likely. The black multiple is certainly high, though not that much higher than the California violent-arrest multiple of 5.35 noted above. ....
It may be that race differences in how suspects behave when they are arrested explain at least part of the difference. There are no national data, but a five-year study of non-felony arrests in San Francisco found that blacks were 9.6 times more likely than whites (including Hispanics) to be charged with resisting arrest, and whites were 8.6 times more likely than Asians to be so charged. In Chicago, from September 2014 to September 2015, blacks accounted for 77 percent of arrests for obstruction of justice and resisting arrest (page 4 of report), meaning they were 6.8 times more likely than non-blacks to be arrested on these charges. If these findings are typical, they help explain why the arrest of a black non-felony suspect — who would more than likely be unarmed — could escalate into potentially lethal violence. 
.... A 2015 Department of Justice study (page 3) of police shootings in Philadelphia found racial differences in “threat perception failure,” that is, cases in which an officer shot an unarmed suspect because the officer thought the suspect was armed. ..... 
Because African-Americans commit crimes disproportionately, they become engaged in hostile encounters with police officers disproportionately. Because African-Americans resist arrest disproportionately, they are shot by police officers disproportionately.